Tuesday, 11 January 2022

ዶሮው ለ3ኛ ጊዜ ጮኸ!


"እውነት፡እልኻለኹ፥በዚች፡ሌሊት፡ዶሮ፡ሳይጮኽ፡ሦስት፡ጊዜ፡ትክደኛለኽ፡አለው።"

ማቴዎስ 26 ቁጥር 34

ከወንድሙ መኰንን፥ ኢንግላድ 11 January, 2022


መግቢያ

ጥቅምት 24 ቀን 2013 በውድቅት ሌሊት በትዕቢት የተወጠሩ የጦርነት ከበሮ ደላቂ የሕወሀት ባለሥልጣናት፥ ለዘመናት በገነቡት የጦር ኃይላቸው የትግራይን ሕዝብ ደሙንና አጥንቱን መስዋዕት እየከፈለ ሲጠብቃቸው የነበረውን የሰሜን ዕዝ የመከላከያ ሠራዊት አባላትን፥ የጭካኔ ጥግ በሚሆን አኳኋን፥ በተኙበት ጦራቸውን አምዘግዝገው ወጉት፥ ሳንጃቸውን ወድረው አረዱት። የሞቱትንም ሬሳቸውን ታይቶ በማይታወቅ ሆኔታ ልብሳቸውን ገፈው እርቃናቸውን ሜዳ ላይ ደርድረው የትግራይን ህዝብ አስጨፈሩት። በሕይወት የተያዙትን ፥ ጥይት ላለማባከን በማለት አስተኝተው ሲኖ ትራክ ነዱበት።


ይኸ በወገናችን ላይ የደረሰው ግፍ አንገሽግሾን፣ በመንግሥት ላይ የየራሳችንን ቁርሾ፣ ለምሳሌ አማራው ላይ በአጣዬ፣ በሸዋ ሮቢት፣ በወለጋ፣ በጋሞው ላይ በቡራዩ፣ ኦሮሞ ባልሆነው ሕብረተሰብ ላይ በሻሻማኔ፣ በዘዋይ፣ በአርሲ የተፈጸመውን ግፍ በማየት፣ ለህዛባችን የመኖር ዋስትና ላልሰጠ መንግሥት ላይ ጥርሳችንን ነክሰንበት የነበረው ሁሉ ለጊዜው ልዩነታችንን ወደጎን ገፍተን ከመንግሥት ጎን ተሰለፍን። የሕወሀት ጭካኔ ያንን አስጥሎን በአንድ ላይ አቆሞን ነበር። በየጊዜው ከመንግሥት በኩል የሚደረጉት አንዳንድ አስደንጋጭ ውሳኔዎች ግን ይኸንን አንደነታችንን እይሸረሸረ መሄዱ አልቀረም። በየጊዜው ለሚፈጠረው ቅሬታ መንግሥት ብቻ ነው ተጠያቂው!



የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ቁጣ

ወራሪውና ጨፍጫፊው የትግራይ አሸባሪ ቡድን ይኸን አሳፋሪ ድርጊት የፈጸሙት ለ27 ዓመታት ዓይን ባወጣ ዘረፋ፥ በታጠቁት የጦር መሣሪያ፥ በዘረኝነት ጠበል አጥምቀው፣ ከሰውነት ወደ አውሬነት በቀየሯቸው የትግራይ ተዋጊና ባካበቱት ኃብት ተማምነው ነበር "ጦር አውርድልን" እያሉ መሬቱን ሲገርፉት የነበሩት። ዓላማቸውንም ለማሳካት የያንን የመሰለ እኵይ የጦር ወንጀል ከፈጸሙ በኋል፣ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ገስግሰው ገብተው መንግሥት ገልብጠው ኢትዮጵያን በመበታተንና ታላቋን ትግራይን የመመሥረት ዓላማቸውን አንግበው ፎክረው ዘመቻቸውን ጀመሩ። ነግር ግን በመንገዳቸው ላይ ለ27 ዓመታት ረግጠው የገዙት፣ መሬቱን ቀምተው፥ መብቱን ገፈው፥ ሀብቱን ዘርፈው የጨቆኑት የአማራ ሕዝብ በጀግንነት በልዩ ኃይል ሚሊሺያውና በፋኖው ተደራጅቶ ከፊታቸው ተጋረጠባቸው። አዲስ አበባ ለመግባት ይኽን ልበ ሙሉ ጀግና ሕዝብ፥ ዳሽቆ ማለፍ ቀላል አልሆነላቸውም።


በጭካኔና ከዱር አውሬነት በባሰ ወንጀል የተደፈረው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብም ተቆጣ። ከዳር እስከዳር ከወንድሙ የአማራው ሕዝብ ጎን ለመቆም ሆ ብሎ ወጣ።። በየቦታው ተሠማርቶ የነበረ የመከላከያ ሠራዊትም ከያለበት ተሰበሰበ። ሕይወቱን አትርፎ አምልጦ ወደ ኤርትራ ተሻግሮ የነበረውም የመከላከያ ሠራዊት ተደራጅቶ ተመለሰ። የአማራው ሕዝብ ገትሮ የያዘለትን አውሬ ለመምታት፣ ደረሰለት። የአማራው ልዩ ኃይልና ፋኖው አላሳልፍ ከማለቱም ባሻጋር ገስግሶ ከጎንደር የተቀማውን ርስቱን ተዋግቶ ወልቃይትንና ሁመራን ነጻ አወጣቸው። የወያኔ ገዳይ ቡድን መሸነፉን ሲያውቅ በማይካድራ 1,100 ንጹህ ምስኪን አማሮችን ጥቅምት 29 ቀን ላይ ጨፍጭፎ ወደ ሱዳን ፈረጠጠ። በሂደት ራያም ነጻ ወጣች። የአማራን ምድር ረግጦ ማለፍ ቀረበትና በሦስት ሳምንት ውስጥ ዕብሪተኛው የሕወሀት አመራር የጥጋብ ፊኛው ተነፈሰ። የራሱን ህዝብ እንደጅል ቆጥሮ፥ "ባጫ ደበሌን ማረኩልህ ደስ ይበልህ፥ አበባው ታደሰን ገደልኩልህ እልል በል፥ 180,000 ጦር ደመሰስክልህ" እያለው "ደቂሴ ንሬን" አንከስ እያለ አስጨፈረው። የማታ የማታ ዕውነትና ንጋት እያደር ይጠራል ሆነና፥ ዋና ከተማውን ጥሎ ወደ ተንቤን ተራራ እግሬ አውጩኝ አለ። "አቅምን አውቆ መኖር ጥሩ ነው፣ ታላቅ ቾሎታ ነው" አለ ዘፋኙ! ተዋጊዎቹም ልብሳቸውንና መለዮአቸውን አውልቀው ከሲቪሉ ከሕዝብ ተቀላቅለው ተመሳሰሉ። ኢትዮጵያም ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ከተሰነቀረባትን የሕወሀት እሾህን ነቅላ ከስቃይ የምትገላገልበት ቀን የደረሰላት መሰላት። ህዝቡ ደስ አለው። የአንድነት ጡሩምባ ከዳር እስከ ዳር ተነፋ። አኩርፎ የነበረው ውጪ የሚኖር ኢትዮጵያዊ ሁሉ በአንድነት ቆመ። የኢትዮጵያ ትንሳኤ የደረሱላት መሰለው። መከላከያው፣ ልዩ ኃይሉ፣ አመራሩን እያሳደደ የገባበት ግብቶ፥ ከተቻለ ከነሕይወቱ ይዞ፥ እምቢ ያለውን እስከወዲያኛው ሸኝቶ ሕወሀትን ታሪክ ለማድረግ ተጋድሎውን ተያያዘው።


ጉድና ጀራት ከወደ ኋላ

የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ሠራዊት ፥ ልዩ ኃይሉና የአማራው ወዶ ዘማች ፋኖው፥ እንዲሁም በወያኔ ርኬት ድብደባ ተጋብዘው ወደ ውጊያው የተቀላቅሉ ኤርትራውያን ተዋጊዎች ፥ በአየር ኃይሉ ተዋጊ ጄቶችና ሰው አልባ በራሪዎች (ድሮናች) በታጀበው ውጊያ የተንቤን ተራራ ጋየች። በዚያ እልህ አስጨራሽ ውጊያ 15 ገደማ የሚሆኑ፥ ስብሀት ነጋን ጨምሮ ከዋሻ እየተጎተቱ ወጡ። ወደ ዘብጥያም ወረዱ። እነ ሥዩም መስፍንና ዐባይ ጸሀይ የተባሉት የወያኔ አመራሮች ግን እጅ አንስጥም ብለው ወደማይቀርላቸው ሲኦል ተሸኙ። የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ በከፊልም ቢሆን አንጀቱ ራሰ። የውጭ ጠላቶቻችን ቢጮሁ፥ ቢያላዝኑ፥ ኢትዮጵያ ፍንክች አላለችም። የተቀሩትን የሕወሀት አመራሮችን ማደኑ ቀጠለ። እነደብረጽዮን፥ ጻድቃን፥ ታደሰ ወረደ፥ ... የመሳሰሉት በየጢሻው እየተሽሎከሎኩ እስከ ሰኔ ድረስ ከመያዝ አመለጡ።

የዓለም አቀፉ ጫና ቢበዛ፥ የምዕራቡ ዓለም ጋዜጦች፥ ቴሌቪዥኖች እና ማህበራዊ ሚዲያዎች የውሸት መረጃዎችን ቢለቁም ኢትዮጵያውያን በአንድነት ቁመው መከቱት። የአባቶቻችን የጀግንነት ወኔ የተመለሰ መሰለ። እኛም የመንግሥት ቃል አቀባዮች በጊዜው እየወጡ፣ ይኸን ያህል ተደመሰሰ፣ ይኸን ያህል ተማረከ እያሉ ሲያስረዱን፣ በኩራት ተዝናንተን፣ የቀሩትን አመራሮች የሚያዙበትን ወይም የሚወገዱብትን ዜና ስንጥብቅ በድንገት ወሽመጣችን ቆረጠ።

ሰኔ 21 ቀን ደረሰ። የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጆሮ ጭው የሚያደርግ መርዶ ነገረን። ማንም ያልጠበቀ በጣም የከፋ ዋጋ የሚያስከፍል፥ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ዕምነቱን የጣለበት የሚሸረሽር: መንግሥት  እርምጃ ወሰደ። የያዘውን ይዞ፥ የቀረውን ታንኩን፥ መድፉን፥ ዲሽቃውን፥ ብሬሉን ጥሎላቸው፥ ከትግራይ ከወጣ በኋላ ልክ ወያኔዎች እንደሚያደርጉት፣ "አሸንፌ ተመለኩ፥ ደስ ይበላችሁ ብሎ" ሊያስጨፍረን ሞከረ። "ሕወሀት ከዚህ በኋላ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያሰጋ ደረጃ ላይ እንደሌለች አውጆ አርፋችሁ ተኙ ተባልን። ክው አልን። ባለንበት ኩምሽሽ አልን። መንግሥት "የምንፈልገውን እያሳየን ወደበረሀ ወስዶን እዚያው ጥሎን ተመለሰ" ጉድና ጅራት ድሮም ከወደ ኋላ ነው። ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ዶሮ ጮኸ።




የወሎው፥ የሰሜን ሸዋና የአፋሩ ሕዝብ ከነከብቶቹ እልቂትና መፈናቀል የማን ስህተት ነው?

ይኸን መጠየቅ ጊዜው አሁን አይደለም ልትሉኝ ትችላላችው። ለመሿሿምና ለመሸላለም ጊዜው ካመቸ፣ ዋጋ የሚይስከፍሉ ስህተቶችማ ሲሠሩ ዝም ማለት አድር ባይነት ነው። እንዳይደገም! እንዲህ ዓይነት ጥቆማ መንግሥትን ቢጠቅመው እንጂ አይጎዳውምና፣ ካድሬዎች አደብ ግዙ። ጃንሆይንም መግሥቱንም ገደል የከተታችሁት የእናንተ ዓይነቶቹ ናችሁ። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩና መንግሥታቸው ሊነገራቸው ይገባል።


መከላከያችን መቀሌን በድንገት ጥሎላቸው ሲወጣ፣ ባይሆን ደጀኑ የሆነውን የአማራና የአፋር ድንበር ላይ እንደመቆየት ዕድላችሁ ያውጣችሁ ብሎ ሁለቱን ሕዝብ አጋፍጦ ዞር ማለት ምን ይባላል! በዚህ ላይ አማራው እንዳይታጠቅ ላለፉት 30 ዓመታት ተፈርዶበታል። ቆይ እንጂ! ልክ አሜሪካና እንግሊዝ ናዚ ጀርመኒና ኮሙዩኒስት ራሺያ ሲተላለቁ በራሳቸው እስከሚመጣ ድረስ ዝም እንዳሉት መንግሥታችን አማራውና ትግሬው እንዲተላለቅለት አውቆ የተዋቸው አስመስሎበታል። የሕወሀት አመመራሮች በወርቅ መሶብ የቀረበላቸውን ድል ሳያስቡት ተቀብለው፣ መቀሌን በከበሮ ድለቃ ቀውጡት። እግዚአብሔር ዘፈን ሲያምረው ማንን ነበር ያጠግባል የተባለው? ረሳሁት። የሕወሀት አመራሮች ከተሸሸጉበት ጎሬ ወጥተው፥ መሣሪያቸውን ከደበቀቡት ጉድጓድ ቆፍረው አውጥተው፥ መከላከያውም ትቶላቸው የወጣውን ዘመናዊ መሣሪያ "እናመሰግናለን" ብለው ተቀብለው፥ እንደ እባብ አፈር ልሰው ነፍስ ዘርተው፣ ወደ የዕዝ ማዕከላቸው ተመለሰሱ። የምዕራቡ ዓለም አደነቋቸው። የጦር ታክቲክና ስትራተጂአቸውንም ዕጹብ-ድንቅ አሉላቸው። የጻድቃን የጦር አመራር ብቃት በአፍሪካ ታይቶ የማይታውቅ ተብሎ ተጨበጨበለት። እነ ጌታቸው ረዳ የምዕራቢያውያን ሜዲያ ኮከብ ሁነው የጋዜጦቹን ገጽ ሞሉት። የቴሌቪዥኑንና የሬዲዮውን ሜዲያ ተቆጣጠሩት። በዚያ አላበቁም።


"ከአማራው ጋር የምናወራርደው ሂሳብ አለን" በማለት፥ ሕወሀቶች አማራው ላይ ዘመቱ! ጎንደርን በከፊል፥ ወሎን መሉ በሙሉ፥ ሰሜን ሸዋ ተቆጣጥረው የደም መሬት አደረጉት። ወንዶቹ ታረዱ፥ ሴቶቹ፥ ሕጻናቱና አሮጊቶች ሳይቀሩ በተፈራራቂ የሕወህት መንጋ ተደፈሩ። ከመንግሥት ተቋም እስከ የግለሰብ ንብረት ዘረፉ፥ የቀረውን አወደሙት። ከብቶቹም ተረሸኑ። የአማራው ሚሊሺያና ፋኖ አንዳንንዴ ብቻውን ሌላ ጊዜም በመከላከያው እየታገዘ ቢዋጋም እንድ በአንድ የወሎን ትላልቅ ከተሞች፥ ላሊበላ፥ ደሴና ኮምቤልቻ ሳይቀሩ በሕወህት ቁጥጥር ሥር ወደቁ። ወያኔዎች ሸዋም ዘለቁ። ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ ግፍና ጭፍጨፋ አደረሱ። የአንድ ቀን መዘዝ በዘጠኝ ወር ይመዘዝ ይሉሀል ይኸ ነው። ይኸ ጉድ ተሸፋፍኖ መታለፍ የሌለበት ግፍ ነው። ተመዝግቦ ይቀመጥ። የስህተቱ ምንጭ ከመቀሌ መውጣቱ ብቻ ሳይሆን ደጀኑንም ለቆ ማፈግፈግ፣ አማራና አፋርን ዋጋ አስከፍሏል።


ሚሌ የምትባለዋን መተላለፊያ ዘግተው የኢትዮጵያን ጉሮሮ እንዘጋለን ብለው ዝተው ማንንም አስቀይሞ በማያውቀው አፋር ህዝብ ላይ ዘመቱበት። አፋሮች ተጨፈጨፉ። ሕዝባቸው አለቀ፥ ንብረታቸው ወደመ። ጭፍራ የምትባለው ከተማቸው ወደመች። አፋሮች ግን ታይቶ በማይታወቅ ጀግንነት ሚሌን ላለማስነካት በታላቅ ጀብዱ ታሪክ ሠሩ። ሕወሀቶች ሚሌን ለመያዝ እንደቋመጡ ዓላማቸው በአፋር አናብስት ከሸፈባቸው። ኪሳራ! 


በወሎ ግንባር ግን ታሪኩ ሌላ ነበር። ደሴንና ኮምቦልቻን በብዙ መስዋትነት ከጨበጡ በኋላ፥ ሕወህቶች ደብረሲና ደረሱ። አዲስ አበባን ለመያዝ ቀናት ሲቀራቸው፥ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት የምር ሰይፉን መዘዘ። በራሱ ደረሰአ! ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ሳይቀሩ ከተኙበት ባነኑ። ልክ ናዚ ጀርመኒ ፖላንድን መውረራቸው ሳያንስ ፓሪስን ተቆጣጥረው የእንግሊዝ ወደቦችና ከተሞችን መደብደብ ሲጀምሩ እንግሊዝ እንደባነነችው ማለት ነው። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ፣ እራሳቸው  ታጥቀው ጦሩን ሊመሩ እንደቀድሞዎቹ መሪዎች ግንባር ገቡ። በራሳቸው መምጣቱ በጀ ልበል?! ቢዘገይም የሚደነቅ እርምጃ ነበር። የሰው ወኔው ተመለሰ። ሕዝቡ እንደገና ሆ ብሎ ወጣ። መከላከያው፥ ልዩ ኃይሉ፥ ፋኖውና አፋሩ ልዩ ኃይልና ሕዝብ በተቀናጀ መልኩ በጀግንነት፥ በቆራጥነትና በወሳኝነት፥ ወራሪ፥ ጨፍጫፊ እና ዘራፊ የወያኔ፥ ሪፍራፍ ተዋጊን መክቶ፥ ለአራት ወራት ሙሉ  እየገደሉም እየሞቱም፣ ተንፏቅቀው ተንፏቅቀው ደብረሲና የደረሱትን ጉዶች፥ በሁለት ሳምንት ከሰሜን ሸዋና ወሎ ጠራርገው፥ እንዲፈረጥጡና ሬሳቸውን እንኳን ሳያነሱ ኮረም እንዲገቡ አደረጓቸው። አፋርም ሙሉ በሙሉ ተለቀቀ። ይኸ ምንድነው የሚያሳየው? ቀድሞውኑ መንግሥት ችላ በማለት የውሎ፥ የሰሜን ሸዋና የአፋር ምድርን እንዲይዙ ዕድል ሰጥቷቸው ነው እንጂ፣ የነዚህን መሬቶች የመርገጥ አቅም ወያኔዎች ባልነበራቸው ነበር ። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ግባቸውን በከፊል ፈጽመው በኋላ ወደ አዲስ አዲስ አበባው ቢሮዋቸው ተመለሱ።


ጦሩ በሽሽት ላይ ያሉትን የወያኔ "እውር ድንብር" ተዋጊዎችን አባርሮ ኮሩም ደረሰ። የመቀሌ ባለሥልጣኖች ተደናብረው፣ ጓዝና ጉዝጓዛቸውን ቀርቅበው፣ ተስፋ በመቁረጥ፣ የዓለም አቀፉን ሕብረተሰብ "አድኑን" እያሉ እየተማጸኑ፣ ወደተምቤን ተራሮች መጓጓዝ ሲጀምሩ እንደገና "ደጉ" መንግሥታቸው ነፍስ ዘራላቸው። የኢትዮጵያ ጦር አሳዶ የወያኔን አመራር ለአንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ አከርካሪ ይሰብራል ብለን ስንጠብቅ፣ ዋጃን እንደተቆጣጠሩ፣ አላማጣን ሙሉ በሙሉ ለመቆጣጠር አንድ ቀን ሲቀራቸው፣ "ባለህበት እርጋ" የሚል ትዕዛዝ መንግሥት አስተላለፈ። እንደገና ወሽመጣችን ተቆረጠ። ወያኔ እንዳትጠፋ አልተፈለገም ማለት ነው? አውላላ ሜዳ ላይ እንደገና ተጣልን! ዶሮው ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ጮኸ! 


ሦስኛው ዶሮ!

ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ የመኖር ዕድል የተሰጣቸው የወያኔ ተዋጊዎች፥ መፈርጠጣቸውን አቁሙው አፈሙዛቸውን ወደኋላ አዞሩ። በወልቃይት ጠገዴ በኩልም ያለ የሌለውን ጦራቸው ሰብቀው ውጊያ ጀምሩ። እስካሁን አዲ አርቃይን ሙሉ በሙሉ በሚባል መልኩ ተቆጣጥረው፣ ጎንደሬ አማራውን እያፈናቀሉት ነው። በአፋር በኩል የአባላ ከተማን በመድፍ አያወደሙት ነው። በአላማጣ በኩል ውጊያቸውን አጧጡፈው  ዋጃና፥ ጥሙጋ የተባሉትን ከተሞች ተቆጣጥረው ወደቆቦ የምድር ክላስተር ቦምብ እይተኮሱ እየገሰገሱ ነው። ቆቦን በመድፍ ከርቀት ማጋየታቸውን ቀጥልዋል። ምስኪኑ ህዝብ፣ ከዋጃ ወደ ቆቦ ተፈናቀለ። ቆቦም መደብደብ ሲጀምር፥ ከቆቦ ወደወልዲያ እየተመሙ ነው። ከወልቃይት ጠገዴም አማራው እንደገና ተክዷል እየተባለ ሽብር እየተነዛ ነው፥ መካላከያም፥ ልዩ ኃይሉም፥ ፋኖውም ይውጣ የሚባል መመሪያ እንደተሰጠ ሹክሹታው ቀጥላል። ጭስ ካለ እሳት አለ። ከዚህ በፊት የተንሾከሾከው በሙሉ ዕውን ሁኖ የእለ? የኮሎኔል ደመቀ ዘውዴ የቁጣ ንግግርም ይኸንኑ አመላካች ይመስላል። አማራው እንደገና በጎንደር ቅስሙ እስኪሰበር ከተተወ ሥራ ለሠሪው እሾህ ላጣሪው እንደሚባለው ለመንግሥትም ጦስ ይዞ ይመጣል። አለባበሰው ቢያርሱ በአረም ይመለሱ ይባል የለ? የሱዳን ኮሪዶር ሕወሀቶች ማስከፈት ከቻሉና እንደገና መታጠቅ ከቻሉ፣ መንግሥትንም የመግልበጥ ሕልማቸው ሊሳካ ይችላል። ጦር መሣሪያቸው አልቆ ያልጨረስናቸው፣ ሌላ አውዳሚ መሣሪያማ ከታጠቁ  ሕዝባችንን ይጭርሱና ኢትዮጵያን ወደመበታተናቸው ሁለተኛ ደረጃ እቅዳቸው ይራምደሉ። ለኃጢአን የመጣ ለጻድቃን ይተርፋል ይባላል። 


ጦርነቱ ገና አላላቀም። የምን አሸሻ ገዳሜ ነው? መንግሥት ሆይ! የጦር አማራሮቹን ጠርተህ ከምትሾምና ከምትሸልም ይልቅ፣ መጀመሪያ ጦርነቱን በድል ፈጽም! ለመሆኑ፣ መቼና ለማን ነው የማርሻልነት ማዕረግ የሚሰጠው? ጦርነቱ እስኪጠናቀቅ ፌሽታው መቆየት አይችልም ነበር? የልጅ ነገር አደረጋችሁት። የምታቦኩት ሁሉ ለራት አልበቃም! 


ውጪ ኗሪው ኢትዮጵያዊ (ዲያስፖራው) ተጋብዞ በገፍ ወደ አገር ገብቷል። ለምን ጋበዛችሁት? በስሜት የተዘጋጀለትን ሁሉ እየጎበኘ በደስታና በጉጉት አገሩን እንዴት እንደሚረዳ፥ የወደሙትን መልሶ እንዴት አድርጎ እንደምያቋቋምለት በታላቅ ተነሳሽነት እየተመካከረበት ባለበት በዚህ ጊዜ ሌላ ዱብ ዕዳ ለምን አወረዳችሁበት? ብዙዎቻችሁን ሕወሀት ለዚህ ደረጃ አሰልጥና አሳድጋ እንዳደረሰቻችሁ እናውቃለን። ለምን ከዚያ አስተሳስብ ሰብራችሁ አትወጡም? ለምን አገራችንን ዋጋ ታስከፍሏታላችሁ? ለኢትዮጵያ እንደምታወሩት ከቆማችሁ ብሰሉ እንጂ! ከጎናችሁ የምንቆመው ስንተማመንባችሁ ነው። ስንት ጊዜ በእናንተ ላይ ያለንን እምነት ትሸረሽራላችሁ? የምነፍልገውን እያሳያችሁን ወስዳችሁ በረሀ የምትጥሉን ደነዞች አድርጋችሁ አትቁጠሩን።


እኛ የቀሩትንም የሕዋህት ባለሥልጣናት የተከፈለው መስዋዕትነት ተክፈሎ ተይዘው ለፍርድ ይቅርባሉ ብላን ስንጠብቅ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ፥ በዕለተ ዓርብ፣ ያውም በጌታችን የመድኃኒታችን የእየሱስን ክርስቶስ በአለ ልደት በሚከበርበት ቀን፥ ተስፋችንን አጨለሟት። በስንት መስዋዕትነት የተያዙት የወያኔ ቁንጮ መሪዎችን፣ አቶ ስብሀት ነጋን፥ ወይዘሮ ቅዱሳን ነጋን፥ አቶ አባይ ወልዱን፥ እቶ አባዲ ዘሙን፥ ወይዘሮ ሙሉ ገብረእግዚአብሔርን እና አቶ ኪሮስ ሀጎስን በይቅርታ ፈትቼአቸዋልሁ፥ ብለውን እርፍ! ምን? ይኸን ሲያውጁ፣ ለ3ኛ ጊዜ ዶሮው ጮኸ! በደም የተበከለችው፣ በጣዕር በስቃይ ላይ ያለችው  ምስኪኗ እናት ኢትዮጵያም ዕንባ ባቀረሩ ዓይኖቿ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሯን አየች።



 






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Monday, 3 January 2022

THREE THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED VACOUS INTELLECTUALS OF THE TPLF!

I hate when people confuse education with intelligence, you can have a Batchelor’s degree and still be an idiot”

Elon Musk

 By Wondimu Mekonnen, 02 January 2022

Introduction

Intellectuals are supposed to be men of great knowledge. An intellectual possesses the ability to think in a logical manner. An intellectual is guided by his own consciousness and knowledge, by means of independent research output and not by emotions. An intellectual is an independent thinker, who is capable of thinking outside the box. takes pleasure in serious study and thought and is constantly critical of the information he /she receives….with the sole intention of defending a concrete proposition or to denounce an injustice. To be called a scholar and a professional one needs to be governed and guided by the code of ethics of that profession or defending a system of values.

One wonders how on earth the Tigray Liberation Front (TPLF) managed to create a bunch of zombie “scholars and professionals” thinking and acting in the same way as their creators, devoid of a gram of common sense. They do not seem to have an iota of elements that takes to become “intellectuals”. They are like brainless drones, distance operated by remote control by the TPLF. They are programmed like robots behaving in the way that the TPLF wanted them to behave. Just like the North Koreans are conditioned to blindly follow the Kim Il-sung dynasty, so do the predominant the so-called Tigrayan intellectuals obtain their directions from the TPLF. They are the TPLF worshippers devoid of their own thoughts and moral compass.

The Role of Tigray Intellectuals in the TPLF war on Ethiopia

When the TPLF was beating the war drum in 2020, mothers in tears[i]   from all over Ethiopia travelled to Tigray, going on their knees, begged Debretsion, the president of the Tigray region, to avoid war and resolve the issues Tigray had with the central government in a peaceful manner. The president ignored them. A team of elders, including the Olympic legend Haile Gebrselassie and religious leaders, also travelled to Tigray to convince the authorities of Tigray, to avert war, but the TPLF ignored them too. Overconfidence/deceit is as dangerous as losing confidence. Many mistakenly hoped that the Tigray intellectuals would talk the TPLF out of their nightmarish madness. Instead, they became their beasts of burden, soon beating the war drums in the chorus.

Journalist Abebech Kahsay raised her observation of the role of Tigray “scholars and professionals” to avoid the war with amazement[ii]. The TPLF invited so so-called Tigray intellectuals and professionals from all over the world to lecture down to them what they were going to do with the Abiy Government in their bravado quest to dismantle Ethiopia and build the “Great Republic of Tigray”. The team of Tigray intellectuals included within them Ph.D., master’s degree holders, doctors, engineers you name it. Among them, one brave intellectual questioned the possible negative consequence of starting the war with the Federal Government on Tigray and proposed to settle the differences through peaceful means. His fear was that, if the TPLF started the war, Abiy’s Government might cut off electricity, telephone, transport, and other utilities putting Tigray in the dark. Then one of the veterans “Tegadalay” known by her nom de guerre Monjorino (Fetlework Gebreigziabher) barked back at the inquisitor with such authority: “If Mekelle would be in the dark, just for one night, do you think Addis Ababa would be in the light? If that happens, then we should be considered dead! That would never ever happen!” The Tigrayan intellectual coiled back with shame for undermining the TPLF and resorted to dancing to their tune. That is why we say overconfidence is as dangerous as losing confidence.

While the TPLF was massacring civilians, raping, looting, destroying infrastructure in Afar, and in Amhara from Northern Wello to Northern Shewa, the Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS) came up with a 7-point position[iii]. In those 7 points, they were lamenting that a genocide has been committed against the people of Tigray, which the United Nation did not find a shred of evidence such a crime was committed against the civilians on purpose. The genociders were crying “genocide on Tigray” to obscure their own crime on Amharas (Mai Kadra, Chena, Haiq, Kombolcha, Dessie, Lalibela, Northern Shewa…, on Afar, at Galicoma and Chifra. In fact, the term “genocide” has become a national hymn of the TPLF, which they have been dancing to that tune since 2005 when they stole electoral ballots and gunned down 100s of protestors on the streets of Addis Ababa. They introduced for the first time the term “Interhamwe” in Ethiopia, which forced Ethiopian intellectuals to run to google to find out what that term was exactly meant. Anyway, the so-called Tigrayan Scholars and professionals almost demanded the Amhara and the Afars to surrender at their 6th position point. They demanded to lay their arms while they were fighting, looting and, raping.

Expect more surprises from “Tigray Intellectuals”. The purpose of this article is to expose the extent of ignorance of the so-called Tigray intellectuals thinking in line with the TPLF leadership.

The cart before the horse

To the amazement of millions of people across the world, The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS)”, which claims to have more than 3500 members, recently surprised us on Twitter with “Position Statement on the Vital interest of Tigray[iv], which includes three statements. Position 3e is the most bizarre statement. It reads:

“Equally essential and related to the territorial integrity of Tigray is access to international borders, and the right of access to and from the sea and freedom of transit as provided in article 125 of the Law of the Sea. These constitutional and international rights are non-negotiable vital interest of Tigray”

Doesn’t that sound like putting the cart before the horse? There is an adage in the Ethiopian proverb: “Let the common duiker be meat first” (እስቲ መጀመሪያ ሚዳቋ ሥጋ ትሁን). These guys have no clue that Tigray has been an integral part of Ethiopia for thousands of years and remains a territory of Ethiopia up until this article is written. The border of Tigray is determined by the Ethiopia Government and not by the United Nations or anybody else outside Ethiopia as a matter of fact. This is common sense. These guys act as if Tigray is an independent country. It is not. The TPLF is not in charge of the Government of Ethiopia anymore, if they have forgotten, to determine the future of Ethiopia!

Even if they manage to defeat the Government forces and control Tigray, the road to independence is bumpy and complicated as long as they wouldn't overthrow the Federal Government and reseize power. For example, look at Abkhazia, Somaliland, and the Turkish Republic of North Cyprus. They have been de facto states for several decades now, but they are not recognized by the United Nations, because they couldn’t obtain recognition from the Governments of the countries they were trying to break away from. The state of Eritrea was so lucky to have a traitor Government in the image of the TPLF to oversee the Ethiopian Government by force, coming to power through the barrel of guns in 1991. To the bewilderment of the international community, they had to run on the corridors of the United Nations and African Union with dossier to beg for the recognition of Eritrea, a breakaway province of Ethiopia, making Ethiopia landlocked losing its the only two ports built with the sweat and blood of Ethiopians. Ironically, the good news is, now the independent state of Eritrea is fighting the treacherous TPLF to save Ethiopia from further dismemberment. Therefore, the Tigrayan intellectuals must wake up and smell the coffee before talking about the international border or an outlet to the sea. They have no legal or moral authority to demand that. Only the Ethiopian Government decides what to do with them, as Tigray is in Ethiopia and Tigrayans are Ethiopians throughout the existence of Ethiopia for thousands of years. They need to swallow the bitter pill.

There must be more than 3,500 Tigrayan season intellectuals, perhaps in the tens of thousands. However, their silence makes them just as guilty as the 3,500 clueless scholars and professionals as they are representing them.



The red area within the map of Ethiopia is the historical map of Tigray excluding the lands of Amhara forcefully annexed 30 years ago. The land annexed after 1991 is now back to their ancestral routes after the greedy and expansionist TPLF imposed war on the Ethiopian Government. On 03 November the TPLF made a terrible mistake of starting the war they had been preparing for two years. An Amharic saying comes to mind: “one who doesn’t know when full, spends the night getting sick” (አልጠግብ ባይ ሲተፋ ያድራል).

The Genocide on Amhara and Afar

Six days after they started the war, realising they were losing, on 9 November 2020, the TPLF soldiers fighter started going from house to house and began massacring Wolqaite Amharas. Within a matter of hours, they hacked down 1,100 Amharas at Mai Kadra (Muchena, 2020) with the intention of cleaning hundreds of thousands of civilian indigenous Amhara from Welqit, Tegede, and Humera. Luckily the arrival of the Amhara militia and Fanno just in time stopped the massacre forcing the murderers to flee. The genociders crossed the border into Sudan, from where they are now attempting incursion to come back. Incidentally, they have now burned down the UN refugee camp[v] in Sudan and fully moved to training military camps, sponsored by the Egyptian and Sudanese Governments. Therefore, the struggle of Tigrayan elites to get back Welqait, Tegede, and Humera is a moot case to get access to Sudan. What access to the international border are they talking about? They should learn the history of Lesotho and Kingdom Swaziland, which are surrounded by South Africa and landlocked.

This group of the so-called Tigrayan intellectuals had completely forgotten how their leadership persecuted Ethiopian intellectuals such as Hailemariam (Hailemariam, 2018), Kahsay (Kahsay, 2007) who were demanding the right of Ethiopia to the sea outlet based on the very article 125 of United Nations, that she lost in 1991 when the TPLF came to power. The Tigrayan Scholars and Professionals were vilifying them then. Now, the same intellectuals are demanding for the tiny renegade province of Ethiopia, Tigray, to have an international border and sea outlet which they denied to the bigger Ethiopia for 27 years. Do they know what shame means?

Is that reason why they invaded Afar, to incorporate into Tigray? Still, had they succeeded in defeating the Afars, they need either to defeat Eritrea to grab Port of Assab, or invade and defeat Djibouti, to annex the port and incorporate it into Greater Tigray. Tigrayan “intellectual” daydreamers are devoid of intellectual common sense, blinded by TPLF propaganda, and make themselves a laughingstock.

Conclusion

Let the so-called Tigray Scholars and Professionals understand this! There is no international law that would take land from an independent country to let a province of a country have a sea outlet. Eritrea is an independent country since 28 May 1993, thanks to the TPLF. They lost the chance in 1993. No one has the right to award Assab to Tigray or no legal means to allow them to annex Djibouti. As for the international borders, if Tigray remains an integral part of Ethiopia, they will never ever have the legal power to claim any of those demands because the border within internal territory is defined by the authorities of Ethiopia and not an international body. There is an international law that prohibits interference in the internal affairs of any country. Ethiopia is not an exception. If they succeed to become independent, then Eritrea and Ethiopia will be their international borders! There they would have their international borders! What is the fuss about?!

In 1991, when the TPLF became the Government of Ethiopia, they took by force the historical territories of Gondar Province, Welqait Tegede, and Humera incorporating them into Tigray, so that Tigray would stretch to the border with Sudan. However, for 27 years, the people of Welqait and Humera were fighting for their rights demanding to be back with their natural blood relatives, the Amhara. The residents have gone through ethnic cleansing and suffered linguistic and cultural genocide. It is a different time now. The dream of Welqaites became the reality when the TPLF deliberately started the war and got kicked out of Welqait Tegede, Humara, and Raya. Without violating international law, no power under the sun has the right to reverse that. They have lost! They need to face the reality. Just to serve the interest of the TPLF, the people of Tigray should not be subjected to more suffering. The criminals need to be apprehended. The Tigray intellectuals need to save their place in history by trying talking sense to the TPLF rather than being considered ordinary cadres of the war criminals.

 Case closed!

References

Hailemariam, Y., 2018. Borkena. [Online]
Available at: https://borkena.com/2018/05/09/dr-yacob-haile-mariam-peaceful-settlement-of-the-ethio-eritrean-conflict-is-an-idea-whose-time-has-come/
[Accessed 2 January 2022].

Kahsay, A. T., 2007. Ethiopia's Sovereign Right of Access to the Sea under International Law. University of Georgia Law.

Muchena, D., 2020. Amnesty International. [Online]
Available at: https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/11/ethiopia-investigation-reveals-evidence-that-scores-of-civilians-were-killed-in-massacre-in-tigray-state/
[Accessed 2 January 2022].

 

 



[i] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ni4bGOU6I6M

[ii] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y62IopI-pU8

[iii] https://twitter.com/GlobalGsts/status/1477017800501829642

[iv] https://mobile.twitter.com/globalgsts/status/1474404089719099398

[v] https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/fire-breaks-out-in-refugee-camp

Tuesday, 28 December 2021

FANO

 2022-01-01


 

Fano:

 A living saviour of the Amhara people

And the Ethiopian spirit

ፋኖን እወዳለሁ፥ ፋኖንስ አልጠላ፣

ተኳሽ እወዳለሁ፥ ተኳሽም አልጠላ፣

ሲደክመኝ አርፋለሁ፥ በጎፈሬው ጥላ።

ፋኖ አገሩ ገባ፥ ሳይሰናበተኝ፣

እሸኘው ነበረ፥ ምንም ቢታክተኝ።[1]

This song and the article is dedicated to Eshete Moges and his son Yitagesu Moges.



Contact information:

Girma Berhanu (Professor)

Department of Education and Special Education

University of Gothenburg

Box 300, SE 405 30

Göteborg, Sweden

E-mail: Girma. Berhanu@ped.gu.se

 

Introduction

 

Fano is a historical term used in Ethiopian struggles against injustice and foreign invaders. It is mainly shown as a youth movement that has played a significant role in preserving the concept of Ethiopian nationhood. As a youth group, it has emerged from within the Amhara ethnic group and has features of reminiscent of classical political, religious, or even social movements that drive youthful frustrations into acts of agitation until they achieve a measure of reform. Traditionally, the Fano struggle had focused on fending off attacks against Ethiopia. In recent years, Fano has become a household name and a crucial movement tasked with saving the very existence of the Amhara population as well as the integrity of Ethiopia. In this, it differs from other similar youth movements in the country, whose aim is to dismember the Ethiopian state into ethnic components. Fano is made of a defiant and patriotic youth which is able to shoulder an Ethiopia that is arising from the ashes bequeathed to them. This revolutionary generation and movement has to be nurtured. Fano is not just an embodiment of the physical defiance but also an intellectual movement that abhors ethnic fascism, narrow nationalism, apartheid policies, internal colonialism and all forms of pseudo-legal acts of political corruption. Instead, it upholds a civic sense of public duty, patriotism and vision for the good of the entire country.

 The purpose of this paper is to provide an objective insight in to the Fano and explore its potential as a powerful social movement that has the potential to transform the course of Ethiopian history that has been “soiled” by ethnic chauvinists and radical ethnically-based movements. Indeed, youths have been deeply important to every progressive social movement, including the United States Civil Rights movement, successive waves of feminism, environmentalism and environmental justice, the labor, antiwar, and immigrant rights movements, and more. In each of these cases, young people took part in many ways, including through the appropriation of the “new media” tools of their time, which they used to create, circulate, and amplify movement voices and stories. Unfortunately, youths are nowadays framed by mass media as an apathetic, disengaged, and removed generation. At worst, the youths (in the U.S., particularly the youth of colour) are subject to growing repression: increased surveillance, heightened policing, stop-and-frisk policies on the streets, overbroad gang injunctions, and spiraling rates of juvenile incarceration.[2] I discern some similarities with the experiences of the Fano in Ethiopia that is repression and increased surveillance. In this article, I argue that we have much to learn from our Fano who are already engaged in mobilizing their peers, families, and communities towards defending the marginalized ethnic groups in Ethiopia and fostering positive social transformation. I discuss key challenges, and provide recommendations for educators and adult allies of this defiant youth movement.

The philosophical foundation/methodology that undergirds this study is critical theory with elements of post-structuralism and post-colonialism. The strategies used to collate and collect data is meta-analysis (data synthesis), some form of discourse analysis, personal accounts, and a limited amount of sociological introspection. The study shows that it is high time to stop the madness and readdress the chronic and pervasive disparities within and between groups. It is an imperative that we focus on our similarities and common destiny. “The fight is never about grapes or lettuce. It is always about people.” It is about the Ethiopian people. It is just unacceptable to seek self-aggrandizement, as seen among radical Tigrayan and Oromo ethno-nationalists, for ourselves—or for our specific ethnic group, and increase power and influence to draw attention to own importance—and forget about progress and prosperity for the multitudes of ethnic groups in Ethiopia.  Our ambitions must be broad enough to include the aspirations and needs of others, for their sakes and for our own. I argue Fano has captured this essence.                                                                                     

Fano and the plight of authentic Ethiopians

Fano is a traditional volunteer fighter, or a rebel against the system and landlords, mostly in Gonder and Gojjam. Some of them act alone or may band together into groups[3]. They normally walk around on foot, that is why they are called Fanos, according to my respondent. ‘Some of them are bandits or outlaws, really. They don't have to be young’.  However, the essence of Fano has changed after 2016 onwards. They became defiant Amhara youngsters who were fed up with the hegemony exercised by a small Tigrayan clique over the Amhara and the rest of Ethiopia. According to one account ‘while the Qeerroo was peacefully protesting and dying, the Fanos followed the traditional heritage protest, if shot at, they would kill and die or kill and escape to ambush the killer later. Those who took up arms would elect a leader or የጎበዝ አለቃ among the most elderly and experienced person, like Gobiye, and became a nightmare to Woyane (TPLF). አርበኛ (patriots) is more matured Fanos.’

The brave story of Eshete Moges and his son Yitagesu Moges embodies the Fano spirit. No Surrender: a Father and his son— an Extraordinary act of heroism and valor continues to live forever—the story reads:

 Eshete Moges was born in the Qewot district near Shewa Robit. The 56-year-old man was the father of seven children and a resident of Shewaroit. He was also a businessman in town. When the troops of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) approached Ataye, which is near Shewarobit, in late November 2021, he tried to mobilize fighters in Shewa Robit and asked them to fight. His words were that “If we don’t defend Shewa Robit, who will? I will not leave Shewa Robit and go”. First, he started fighting the TPLF forces from Shewa Robit. Since he was defiant to everyone else, his mother had to intervene, as in tradition, to get him to leave the city. He moved with his son to a place called Salaysh, which is only 15 kilometers from Shewa Robit, but the TPLF forces also reached Salaysh in a very short time. He was again advised to abandon Salaysh and withdraw. This time he refused and decided to fight the TPLF forces with his son. When the TPLF troops reached the house where they lived, Eshete Moges took down five TPLF forces. His son killed two others when they tried to break into the building of the house they lived in. The son had only one handgun, but his father was armed with an AK-47. The son had to go out to get a rifle from one of the TPLF forces that he shot. And they had to change their positions. They retreated to the back of the house, where there was a sorghum farm. Unfortunately, Eshete’s son, Yitagesu, was killed in the process. In the meantime, Eshete had to call his brother-in-law and tell him his situation. “Listen to me. Yitagesu has been killed. Can you hear me? Pay attention. He has been killed by the sorghum farm near Assefa Taye’s house. I am near his body. I have been surrounded and I will die there too. Our body will lie there … I’ll pay you in heaven.” The brother-in-law tried to convince the father to leave his son’s body and flee, but the father refused and decided to fight until his last breath. The number of TPLF forces he killed following the phone call is unknown. But he killed two right after TPLF fighters killed his son. Since then, the retrieved transcript of the telephone conversation between Eshete and his brother-in-law has been published, offering Ethiopians of all walks of life a tangible example of duty and sacrifice in what is, to all accounts, an extremely moving and brave act. [4]



Despite being an unpaid, under-resourced, self-armed volunteer defence group, Fano has proven to be a complete game-changer in the current war directed at destroying Ethiopia and eradicating the Amhara population. Fano has continued its offensive on the enemy with perseverance and bravery until the safety of the people of Amhara and Afar is assured and until the rebel group (TPLF) ceases to cause suffering on Ethiopians ever again. Fano has carried out successive lightning offensives on enemy forces that had been deployed in the Amhara region. And, Fano is determined to carry out successive offensives and score victories until the safety of the people of Ethiopia is secured regardless of where the enemy resides and how intensely it fortifies itself. The Fanos are feared groups of fighters, not because they fight for glory but to save their people from annihilation. They are the embodiment of Amhara spirit and defendant of Ethiopia throughout history. Even the government sees them with suspicion fearing the potential force of the movement in unifying Ethiopia and protecting the Amharas who are in a precarious situation due to the endless succession of genocidal acts committed against them. They endured sabotage and unfair treatment by some corners of the army and local governments. In spite of attacks from every side, Fano has grown in strength and confidence and become a formidable force to be reckoned with. In a video I watched few days ago, I have seen a Fanno commander teaching his fellow subordinates to treat captured Tigrayan combatants humanly in God-fearing, compassionate and disciplined manner despite the fact that the Tigrayan forces have been terrorizing people, by killing civilian summarily, creating unprecedented and unmanageable destruction to private and public property, tarnishing religious site for the last 5 months. In this respect, Fano symbolizes "Mission first, people always.” It is a motto that rings true and cuts to the heart of what the Fano is about. Fano exists to deploy, fight and win our nation’s wars as we witnessed newly, yet every aspect of operations remains a human endeavor. A Fano is behind every weapons system in order to accomplish the mission. It is a 'public soldier', an Ethiopian son or daughter, who takes an oath to support and defend the lives of Amhara and the Ethiopian nation at large , who stands ready and courageously on point for the nation and who understands the sacrifice involved in being part of a purpose greater than self. The following links[5] show the 'super humanity' of Fano.

These renewed movements by Fano to destroy the enemy reflect our current digital age, in which young people can increasingly connect with one another in their own countries and across borders. In doing so, they are exposing the gap between the promise of opportunity and the grim reality of unequal chances that Ethiopians and in particular the Amharas had to endure. The brave and moving way in which, out of their anguish and pain, Fano are telling the world that the discrimination, marginalization and ethnic cleansing of the Amhara will be the thing of the past and that they are determined to change  the political landscape, perhaps permanently and fundamentally. It’s not just in Ethiopia that a youth-led revolution is coming alive. In Africa and around the world, young people are becoming a power in their own right. Millions of young people are now engaged in what has become the civil-rights struggle of our time – the fight for every child’s right to go to school, and to do so in safety and live a decent life. The Amharas have been deprived of those basic rights since TPLF came to power in 1991 and now it has reached the climax. In the recent invasion of Amhara region by the TPLF, thousands of schools, health centers and other basic amenities and infrastructures have been looted or destroyed. The intellectual and cultural genocide is well documented.

Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous state, has a young population with more than 70 percent of its inhabitants below the age of 35. Ethiopian regimes have a history of youth neglect and repression, and more recently, co-optation through patronage politics. Unemployment and political marginalization have continued to be a major challenge for young people (Mycock and Tonge, 2012).[6] Fano has witnessed this in real life. It is an important moment for us authentic Ethiopians– both inspiring and chastening for those of us who were children of a 1960s or 70s cultural revolution [student movement] that failed to fulfill its promise, and now find ourselves overtaken by new movements with far more global potential for good. The torch is not being passed to this new generation; this new generation has had to seize it. They deserve our support[7]. There are other youth movements in Ethiopia with some features of Fano: The Querro in Oromia, the Ejeto in Sidama, the Zarma in Gurage and the Yelega in Wolayta.[8]

The fluid politics of Ethiopia and the role to be played by Fano

In the fluid politics of Ethiopia in the post-2018 period, the youth would remain important actors for several reasons including their sheer size, increased activism and involvement in violence. In addition, political parties and the government seek to entice the youth to their side. As a result, it is expected that both youth development programmes and institutions for youth representation will continue to be utilized by incumbent governments. In this way, major youth policies in Ethiopia may not actually empower the youth, but rather bind them in patronage relationships and thereby reinforce their marginalization. The Fano have been watching this carefully. They have been victimized and subjected to continuous surveillance. One example is documented on March 28, 2020 (Ezega.com):

“An armed group in Amhara state of northern Ethiopia known as "Fano" has accused the regional and federal governments of joining hands to get rid of its structure by force. The Chairman of Fano Solomon Atanaw said the “Fano” will not lay arms down before the demands of the Amhara people are met. In an interview with local media, Solomon said the demands include the return of Welqait, Raya, Dera, and Metekel zones to be part of the Amhara region.The Chairperson also said members of the national defense forces and security forces of regional government have launched attacks against the Fano group and killed its members”.

In the same statement, the regional government demanded the group to disarm and surrender to the government peacefully. The regional government also proposed to members of the rebel force to end the fighting and submit to the regional administration in exchange for offers, including jobs as members in the national defense forces on condition of meeting requirements, plots of land for small scale investments and farming as well as loans. “Fano will disarm if the demands of the people are met. We do not have any intention to be included in the government’s security structure. We want to lead our lives as farmers, traders or public servants,” Solomon added. This is actually an old story. The Fano has been transformed in recent months following its successful actions in defending the Amhara region (and Ethiopia), and pushing back the invaders.

While Amhara nationalism has had an impact on the political consciousness of the youth and articulated common interests, it is still characterized by a lack of ideological clarity and a dependable institutional bulwark, a cohesive social base or even, as one opposition politician has pointed out, a center of gravity (Moges 2020).[9] This I believe can be filled by the Fano movement. The fano youth activists believe that explicitly challenging all the evil forces whose eyes are stuck on the Amhara remains a crucial task for social and political transformation. Around the globe, wherever we look closely at social and political movements, we find that some of the most “invisible” young people are also the most active, engaged, and creative in movement strategy and tactics, as well as media production and use. Youth are often dismissed for a lack of civic engagement, or attacked for being disruptive. Yet disruption of oppressive laws, norms, and practices is a crucial aspect of all liberatory movements. We should recognize and respect The Fano youth movement has potentially powerful social movement actors, and allocate resources to support, amplify, and extend their impact.[10]

In the past two years only, several thousands of Amhara residents have been murdered and brutalized, and hundreds of thousands displaced and made homeless. The TPLF had been planting the seeds of hate and that it is directly and indirectly behind the pogroms and genocidal crimes against, in particular, the Amhara ethnic group and the Orthodox faithful[11]. The TPLF had been blamed for pitting the Oromo against Amhara; they had been instigating armed groups in the Benishangul region against the Amhara with the help of their lackeys.[12] The U.N. office on genocide prevention has condemned targeted attacks against civilians based on their ethnicity or religion, including hate speech and incitement to violence, in Ethiopia. It has warned that ethnic violence “has reached an alarming level over the past two years,” and the new rhetoric sets a “dangerous trajectory that heightens the risk of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleans­ing and crimes against humanity”. The alarm was stated a year ago. During this past year and in particular the last five months have been a hell of a life for the Amharas and Afar civilians. The destruction of properties and life are unimaginable. The Amhara region is the frontline for the bloody conflict wracking Ethiopia. Genocide has become a reality with 3.7 million people now in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. More than 80 percent (7.8 million) of those in need of assistance in northern Ethiopia, moreover, are behind the lines of combat. That opens up various opportunities for humanitarian agents.[13] The International Council for Diplomacy and Dialogue listed that women are raped at gunpoint, robbed and assaulted; there is a lack of medical care, housing, water, and sanitation services; other trends, perhaps too numerous to list, contribute to what has become an ongoing genocide.

In a compellingly insightful article entitled “If I look at the mass I will never act”: Psychic numbing and genocide,[14] Slovic (2007) wrote that most people are caring and will exert great effort to rescue individual victims whose needy plight comes to their attention. These same good people, however, often become numbly indifferent to the plight of individuals who are “one of many” in a much greater problem. Of course, every episode of mass murder is unique and raises unique obstacles to intervention. But the repetitiveness of such atrocities, ignored by powerful people and nations, and by the general public as we witnessed in the case of the Amhara plight, calls for explanations that may reflect some fundamental deficiency in our humanity — a deficiency that, once identified, might possibly be overcome. The Fano is vividly aware of this injustice from within and beyond.[15]

Concerns over disinformation, fake news and grievance politics

In Ethiopia, concerns over disinformation, fake news and grievance politics by ethnic-nationalist groups such as the TPLF and OLF/OLA have intensified in recent years. The disinformation includes mischaracterizing the Fano movement. Policymakers, researchers and observers worry that these groups (TPLF and OLF) team up with notorious Western journalists to spread false narratives and disseminate rumors in order to shape international opinion and, by extension, government policies. The available evidence suggests that the strategic effects of disinformation are real in the Ethiopian case. Fake news, hate speech and misinformation is creeping through all social media platforms and regular media outlets. With more and more people relying on social media as a source of news, there are legitimate concerns that such content could influence audiences unable to distinguish truth from fact or news from propaganda. This “infodemic,” as Dustin Carnahan calls it, puts misleading information front and center —adding fuel to politically contentious fires and escalating social issues to the level of crises. Instead of being places where people stay connected and share the details of their lives, modern media/social media platforms are increasingly being used as sources of information. A recent report — Disinformation in Tigray: Manufacturing Consent For a Secessionist War (Published on May 9, 2021) by New Africa Institute — vividly showed the tragedy that is unfolding. The report has shown how the TPLF started the Tigray conflict by attacking the Northern Command on November 4, 2020 with the goal of triggering an ethnic war that could potentially pave its way back to power in Addis Ababa. According to Bronwyn Bruton (2020), despite the massive human rights violations that were associated with TPLF rule—despite the authoritarianism and theft, the imprisonments and the torture that have been laid at its door—TPLF international allies have neither repudiated those well-founded concerns, nor have they examined their own inappropriate investment in the TPLF welfare. International analysts, in their assessments of the current crisis, have pointedly and repeatedly failed to even raise any concern about any aspect of the TPLF dishonorable maladministration and intransigence (See also Nemozen, 2021/06/24 Pay any price, bear any burden and Al Mariam, July 2, 2021).[16] In this grotesque chain of events and travesty of justice, the role played by Fano has so far been exemplary, and the potential to represent the disfranchised Amhara in the international arena has become more obvious.

Conclusion

We should recognize and respect the young people who are part of the Fano movement as potentially powerful political, military and social movement actors, and allocate resources to support, amplify, and extend their impact. Educators and adult allies who want to strengthen the fano can help in many ways. Respect and Recognition: we should start from a place of respect for the movement’s autonomy, opinions, desires, and actual capacity to take part in and lead this powerful political and social movement that can truly transform the situation in Ethiopia, saving Ethiopia and guaranteeing the survival of the Amhara population[17]. In addition, do not dismiss youth who do engage in prefigurative politics as “unfocused,” “ineffective,” or “idealistic.” Young people considered rash by their elders have often sparked social transformation that was later seen as “inevitable”.[18] It is high time to engage in open dialogue about strategy and tactics and take the Fano youth opinions seriously. Representation: Challenge ethnicist or narrow nationalist representations of people wherever you find them. Lift up and share examples of young people in the Amhara region and beyond who do get involved in social, political and military movements, or even better, help create opportunities for Fano youth activists to share their own experiences with peers and adults alike. Real talk: It is imperative to create open conversations with youth and in particular active members of the Fano movement about systems of power, oppression, resistance, and liberation. Ethno nationalism, Capitalism, Racism, and Patriarchy, as well as Individualism, Competition, and Consumerism, are interlinked systems that deeply impact all young people's lives and in particular the Amhara youth who are subjected to brutal attacks and discrimination.[19] Discuss them together in intergenerational spaces [with brave elders with their fascinating narratives], without trying to impose one “correct” way of understanding them. Together, the Fano youth and adult allies can surface alternative narratives like unity, equity, diversity, respect, inclusion, bravery, and connected fate. Encourage, rather than suppress, gender and ‘ethnic talk’, and explicitly address structural and institutional discrimination and marginalization the source of which is the apartheid Ethiopian constitution, while supporting the development of an intersectional and interregional analysis. Real talk helps the Fano youth build real movements.

“All too often, when we see injustices, both great and small, we think, That's terrible, but we do nothing. We say nothing. We let other people fight their own battles. We remain silent because silence is easier. Qui tacet consentire videtur is Latin for 'Silence gives consent.' When we say nothing, when we do nothing, we are consenting to these trespasses against us.” ― Roxane Gay, Bad Feminist

 



[2][2] Youth and Social Movements: Key Lessons for Allies December 17, 2012. Sasha Costanza-Chock.The Kinder & Braver World Project: Research Series (danah boyd, John Palfrey, and Dena Sacco, editors)

[3] According to one of my respondents, a former diplomat and military officer “Fanos are not organized bodies. They are groups not centralized but fighting for one cause at different times at different places for different causes related to the threats Ethiopians face at all corners of the nation” (Dec 24 2021).

[4] https://newsbeezer.com/ethiopia/eshete-moges-yitagesu-eshte-brave-father-and-son-paid-in-life-together/

[6] Neglect, Control and Co-optation: Major features of Ethiopian Youth Policy Since 1991.Asnake Kefale, Mohammed Dejen, Lovise Aalen (2021). Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI Working Paper WP 2021:3) 26 p

[7] Youth and Social Movements: Key Lessons for Allies December 17, 2012. Sasha Costanza-Chock.The Kinder & Braver World Project: Research Series (danah boyd, John Palfrey, and Dena Sacco, editors)

[8] In both Oromia and Amhara, semi-organised networks of youth emerged, centred around each ethnic groups’ longstanding demands and against the repression by the ruling party. These are known as the Querro in Oromia and the Fano in Amhara. Similar youth activism gradually evolved also beyond Oromia and Amhara. Since 2015, we have seen the development of the same kind of youth movements in many ethnic groups, raising political demands such as enhanced autonomy for their ethnic communities. These among others include networks in the largest ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia – the Ejeto in Sidama, the Zarma in Gurage and the Yelega in Wolayta (Asnake Kefale, Mohammed Dejen, Lovise Aalen (2021).

[9] http://www.ethiopatriots.com/pdf. UNTOLD MASSACRES AGAINST ETHNIC AMHARAS IN ETHIOPIA Quarterly Report on the Human Rights Violations Against the Amhara People of Ethiopia: January – March 2021

[10] Occupy Research. (2012). Summary of Findings from the Occupy Research General Survey. In K. Khatib, M. Killjoy, & M. McGuire (Eds.), We Are Many: Reflections on Movement Strategy from Occupation to Liberation. Oakland, CA: AK Press.

http://www.akpress.org/wearemany.html

[11] The authorities are accomplices in a number of major attacks on the civilian population in Oromia and Benshangul regions. These aiding and abetting within the system (military and security) has been well documented. Ethnically targeted measures, hate speech and allegations of atrocities occurring in the country are deeply worrying. The demonization of ethnic groups, in particular the Amhara ethnic group,  is a vicious and lethal cycle from which Ethiopia must be spared.

[12] https://ethiopoint.com/the-cult-of-victimization-in-ethiopian-ethnic-politics-the-subjection-of-amharas-to-triple-victimhood/

[13] www.icdd.info ICDD is recognized by Europa’s Transparency Register as well as the ESA’s Civil Society System (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs).

[14] Paul Slovic Judgment and Decision Making, Vol. 2, No. 2, April 2007, pp. 79–95

[15] The Amhara civil, political, economic, cultural, and social rights are violated through various means. Though all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the legally binding International Covenants of Human Rights are considered essential, there are certain types of violations we tend to consider more serious. Civil rights, which include the right to life, safety, and equality before the law are considered by many to be “first-generation” rights. Political rights, which include the right to a fair trial and the right to vote, also fall under this category. The Amharas living in the regional states of Benishangul Gumuz and Oromia are denied all of these.

[17] How many understand this? Amharas were reclaiming lands that belonged to them, not newly conquering others. Not only that: they were also including as many tribes and land on African soil as possible to protect them from White colonialism! From Donald Levine's "Wax and Gold" https://www.facebook.com/100006406093590/posts/2998282837061890/?sfnsn=mo [Tedla Melaku 25 December 2021 kl. 18:38]

[18] Applied Research Center.(2012). Millennials, Activism, and Race. Dominique Apollon. http://www.arc.org/millenials

[19] file:///C:/Users/Gissa2/AppData/Local/Temp/KBWYouthandSocialMovements2012_0.pd